The American
Freedom
Agenda’s (AFA) mission is twofold: the enactment of a cluster
of statutes that would restore the Constitution’s checks and
balances as enshrined by the Founding Fathers; and, making the subject
a staple of political campaigns and of foremost concern to Members of
Congress and to voters and educators. Especially since 9/11, the
executive branch has chronically usurped legislative or judicial power,
and repeatedly claims that the President is the law. The constitutional
grievances against the White House are chilling, reminiscent of the
kingly abuses that provoked the Declaration of Independence.
President Bush asserts the power to detain American citizens
indefinitely as illegal combatants at Guantanamo Bay based on evidence
extracted by torture, with a presumption of guilt, and before a biased
military tribunal. He is intercepting or claims the right to intercept
the conversations, emails, and letters of Americans and to break and
enter their homes on his say-so alone. The President is shielding
counter-terrorism programs from congressional scrutiny by bogus
invocations of executive privilege. He is disregarding hundreds of
provisions of bills he has signed into law by declaring them
unconstitutional. He has authorized the prosecution of alleged war
criminals with secret and coerced evidence. With the consent of
Congress, he has suspended the Great Writ of habeas corpus for alleged
war criminals or illegal enemy combatants. He has created secret
prisons abroad to interrogate kidnapped suspected terrorists or
delivered them to foreign intelligence organizations anticipating
torture. He has denied that Congress may limit his power to initiate
warfare. And he has threatened criminal prosecutions of the news media
for exposing his usurpations. Now is no time for summer soldiers or
sunshine patriots in defense of American freedom.
The 10-point AFA statutory agenda would repeal the Military Commissions
Act’s authorization of military commissions for the trial of
alleged war criminals based on coerced or secret evidence. The trials
should proceed in civilian courts or by courts-martial which feature
time-honored procedural safeguards to insure reliable verdicts.
The Act’s suspension of habeas corpus for alleged war
criminals or unlawful enemy combatants would also be repealed. The
Great Writ of habeas corpus requires the executive branch to justify
detentions before an independent and impartial judge. Habeas corpus has
been a hallmark of the rule of law since Magna Carta in 1215.
The Act’s
open-ended definition of “unlawful enemy combatant”
would be repealed. It reaches both citizens and non-citizens,and any
person affiliated in marginal ways with international
terrorist organizations. The substitute definition would confine
unlawful enemy combatants to persons engaged in actual hostilities
against the United States.
The National
Security
Agency’s warrantless domestic surveillance program targeting
American citizens on American soil in contravention of the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 would be denied funding.
Appropriations would also be prohibited for any executive spying
programs that have not been fully disclosed to the House and Senate
Intelligence Committees.
The state
secrets
privilege would be revoked. It denies victims of constitutional
violations any remedy where proof of the government’s wrong
doing would disclose national security information, for example, an
agreement by the United States to assist kidnappings by a foreign
intelligence service.
Presidential
signing
statements, which declare the President’s intent to disregard
provisions of bills he has signed into law because he asserts they are
unconstitutional, would be subject to challenge by the House and Senate
collectively in the Supreme Court. The signing statements are
tantamount to line-item vetoes which unconstitutionally encroach on
legislative prerogatives.
Legislative-executive
committees in the House and Senate would be empowered to decide claims
of executive privilege invoked by the President to withhold information
from Congress based on national security. Controlled by the legislative
branch, the committee rulings would be final and binding.
A Sword of
Damocles
would be removed from the media by creating a journalist exception for
the publication of national defense information leaked by the executive
branch, Congress, or otherwise.
Renditions to
foreign
countries where torture or worse can be reasonably anticipated or
secret prisons operated or employed by the United States abroad would
be prohibited. Both practices have been prominent features of the "war
on global terrorism," but are flagrantly inconsistent with the rule of
law. They invite chilling injustices, for example, MaharArar, that fuel
the recruitment efforts of Al Qaeda and thus make the United States
less safe.
Finally, the
President’s authority to list organizations or persons as
implicated in global terrorism based on secret evidence, a marginal
connection with terrorists, and no opportunity for genuine
judicial review would be repealed. The criminal law, including
conspiracy and aiding and abetting provisions, has proven sufficient to
deter, to thwart, and to punish terrorism in all is moods and tenses
consistent with due process safeguards indispensable to reliable
verdicts.
The AFA eschews
any
sunset clauses. It is intended to celebrate an enlightened equilibrium
among the three branches of government for the ages.
Click here
to Read the "Freedom Pledge".
Biographies
of the Principals
- Bruce Fein
- Bob Barr
- John Whitehead
- Richard Viguerie